Northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

Scotland's referendum: Eight things that connect Scotland and Northern Ireland - BBC News

northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

What does Scotland have in common with Northern Ireland and have part series looking at Scotland's relationship with other parts of the UK. Scottish independence: Wales and Northern Ireland make unity plea of the relationship between the three nations left within the UK to ensure. “Scotland, England, Wales, and Northern Ireland are not . in their relationship to the US government as Scotland, Wales, and NI do within the.

However, by the mids, Ireland was the accepted diplomatic name of the Irish state. During the Troublesthe disagreement led to request for extradition of terrorist suspects to be struck invalid by the Supreme Court of Ireland unless the name Ireland was used.

Increasingly positive relations between the two states required the two states to explore imaginative work-arounds to the disagreement. For example, while the United Kingdom would not agree to refer to Mary Robinson as President of Ireland on an official visit to Queen Elizabeth II the first such visit in the two states' historythey agreed to refer to her instead as "President Robinson of Ireland".

The King had a number of symbolically important duties, including exercising the executive authority of the state, appointing the cabinet and promulgating the law.

In the chaos that ensued his abdication, the Irish Free State took the opportunity to amend its constitution and remove all of the functions of the King except one: Ina new constitution was adopted which entrenched the monarch's diminished role by transferring many of the functions performed by the King until to a new office of the President of Irelandwho was declared to "take precedence over all other persons in the State".

However, the constitution did not explicitly declare that the state was a republic, nor that the President was head of state. Without explicit mention, the King continued to retain his role in external relations and the Irish Free State continued to be regarded as a member of the British Commonwealth and to be associated with the United Kingdom.

The exact constitutional status of the state during this period has been a matter of scholarly and political dispute.

The state's ambiguous status ended inwhen the Republic of Ireland Act stripped the King of his role in external relations and declared that the state may be described as the Republic of Ireland. The decision to do so was sudden and unilateral. However, it did not result in greatly strained relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom.

The question of the head of the Irish state from to was largely a matter of symbolism and had little practical significance. The UK response was to legislate that it would not grant Northern Ireland to the Irish state without the consent of the Parliament of Northern Ireland which was unlikely to happen in unionist -majority Northern Ireland.

One practical implication of explicitly declaring the state to be a republic in was that it automatically terminated the state's membership of the British Commonwealthin accordance with the rules in operation at the time. However, despite this, the United Kingdom legislated that Irish citizens would retain similar rights to Commonwealth subjects and were not to be regarded as foreigners.

The Republic of Ireland Act came into force on 18 April Ten days later, 28 Aprilthe rules of the Commonwealth of Nations were changed through the London Declaration so that, when India declared itself a republic, it would not have to leave. The prospect of Ireland rejoining the Commonwealth, even today, is still occasionally raised but has never been formally considered by the Irish government.

British Isles naming dispute and Terminology of the British Isles A minor, through recurring, source of antagonism between Britain and Ireland is the name of the archipelago in which they both are located. Commonly known as the British Isles, this name is opposed by some in Ireland and its use is objected to by the Irish Government.

Scottish independence: Wales and Northern Ireland make unity plea

A spokesman for the Irish Embassy in London recently said, "The British Isles has a dated ring to it, as if we are still part of the Empire. We are independent, we are not part of Britain, not even in geographical terms. John Arnott was born in Auchtermuchty in and moved to Ireland in the s. By the time he died in he had become one of Ireland's leading businessmen and philanthropists, owner of a chain of Department stores one of which is still trading today, Arnotts of Henry Street, Dublin.

George Clarke who came from Paisley became a leading Ulster unionist and shipbuilder whose business career illustrated the importance of the Liverpool-Glasgow-Belfast triangle 'in the industrial growth of late Victorian Belfast' which had 'political as well as economic implications' as the economic development of the northeastern counties created an urban business and working class community with a vested interest in the Union.

A final example is John Jameson who moved from Clackmannanshire to Ireland in and in the process learned how to spell whiskey correctly!

His name is being immortalised to this day on countless millions of Irish whiskey bottles sold all over the world. There are also some interesting entries on those Irish who ended their lives in Scotland, a number of early medieval monks, Kenneth McAlpin, the first King of the Picts and Scots, the Glasgow Celtic footballer, Patsy Gallagher, who began his life in a workhouse in County Donegal, and someone I got to know when I was posted in Scotland, the rugby international Des O'Brien who won the Grand Slam with Ireland in and went on to manage the Lions on their four-month tour of Australia and New Zealand in !

northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

Des was a fine man who spent 45 years of his life in Scotland and was an active sportsman into his 80s. There were, I would say, two connected reasons behind this decision. First, the Good Friday Agreement altered the relationship between Britain and Ireland as co-guarantors of the agreement. Even without the incentive of the Good Friday Agreement, I believe we would have wanted to respond to the changed status of Scotland as a devolved entity with a sharper more distinctive political profile.

The BIC has taken on an enhanced relevance in light of last year's referendum result as a framework within which the various political entities on these islands can discuss matters of mutual interest.

The 20 years since have seen Irish-Scottish relations enter into a whole new and entirely positive era. The success of the NI peace process has removed a complicating factor from our relations. In the wake of the Good Friday Agreement, the Irish Government took seriously the East-West strand to that agreement and thus decided to establish consulates in Edinburgh and Cardiff.

The advent of devolution and the emergence of a Scottish Government has provided a focal point for political relations.

It means that since Irish Ministers and politicians have had Scottish counterparts with whom they could deal. Scottish politicians started to attend meetings of the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly and Ministerial-level meetings of the BIC, thus getting to know their fellow Ministers from Ireland. Since the opening of our Consulate, Scotland has become an established part of the St.

Patrick's Day circuit for Irish Ministers who travel the world promoting Ireland.

northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

Ministerial visits in both directions are now a regular feature and First Minister Sturgeon was warmly welcomed in Dublin last year when she was invited to address our Seanad, a rare honour for visiting politicians. Irish people took a keen interest in your referendum inwhich received substantial coverage in the Irish media.

This reflects an enhanced awareness of Scotland and of its relevance to Ireland. We have come to know Scotland, and the Irish community here, better in recent times. This is part of a growing Irish engagement with our global diaspora. We now have a dedicated diaspora Minister and an agreed government policy on the subject.

As part of this process of engagement, we have become more conscious of the global spread of Irish emigrants and their descendants, and the diversity of their experience. We know that the Irish came to Scotland in large numbers in the decades after the Famine and that things were not always easy for them. Their presence in every walk of Scottish life gives us a special connection with this country.

Another link that I was very conscious of during my time here is the link between our Gaeltacht and the Gaelic-speaking areas of Scotland, fostered through the Columba Initiative. There you can feel the age old cultural connections between our two countries. We occupy a shared cultural space with both countries exhibiting a beguiling blend of Celtic and contemporary cultural strands.

Fittingly, Ireland will be the partner country for next year's 25th Celtic Connections Festival in Glasgow. Our economic links have also matured greatly in recent years with significant flows of trade, investment and tourism between us.

There is obvious potential for further export growth in both directions. The setting up of a Scottish Innovation Hub in Dublin last year is an important development.

Here in Scotland, an Irish Business Network Scotland was established last year, pointing to the presence here of a significant business community dedicated to developing economic links between us. There will be challenges ahead for everyone in light of the UK decision to leave the EU. Ireland has a unique relationship with the UK and did not want to see our 44 year partnership as EU members broken in this manner, but we now need to make the best of this new situation.

  • Are England, Scotland and Wales Countries?
  • Irish-Scottish Relations, past, present and future, Edinburgh's Festival of Ireland, 23 March 2017
  • Ireland–United Kingdom relations

We will be remaining in the EU and our aim in the coming period will be to minimise adverse impacts on Ireland. We hope that the UK will be able to negotiate a close partnership with the EU for the period after it ceases to be a member.

But let there be no mistake, a country that is outside the EU cannot enjoy all of the benefits of membership. There will inevitably be a price to be paid in terms of lost opportunities and reduced influence when the UK leaves the EU.

Let me stress, however, that this has nothing to do with punishing the UK it is just the logical consequence of leaving the EU. By leaving the EU, the UK will gain the right to do certain things its own way, but will also lose the advantages of membership.

I take the view, however, that negotiations conducted in good faith, and with the political will to find common ground, are capable of arriving at a sensible set of arrangements to govern future UK-EU relations, although this will not be easy or straightforward.

As for the future of Irish-Scottish relations, as with the Irish-UK dimension, these will need to be conducted in a different setting. Our aim will be to keep our ties on the same positive path they've been on these last 20 years.

northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

We will seek to continue to trade actively and to maintain good political dialogue. People to people links and cultural affinities will also continue to draw on the many similarities between us. Scotland's future is of course something that can only be settled here. Come what may, Ireland will continue to be a friend of Scotland. We understandand sympathise with, the situation in which Scotland finds itself. I expect, however, that we will continue to watch developments here with great interest while refraining from comment or intervention of any kind.

United Kingdom - Wikipedia

There clearly are lots of similarities between Ireland and Scotland and there are also areas where our experience and circumstances differ. There will be those on both sides of the Scottish debate that may seek to draw lessons from Ireland to bolster their arguments. Our experience is there to be examined, but it is not for us to interpret its relevance to others. This year is the th anniversary of the birth of Jonathan Swift, the fiercely talented Irish writer. In the early years of the 18th century, an argument broke between Swift and the English writer, Daniel Defoe.

northern ireland and scotland relationship to england

Scotland and the Act of Union of was their casus belli. While Defoe was an enthusiastic supporter of the English-Scottish Union, Swift did not care much for it, for he felt that it would result in the Scots being privileged over the Irish in the struggle for personal preferment in London. In his riposte to Swift, Defoe argued that England, and not Scotland, had been the suitor in