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Donald Trump Is Going to Lose Because He Is Crazy

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23 minutes ago By Jonathan Chait Donald Trump had a plan to pretend Mexico paid for the wall. Conservative media decided not to buy it. THE FEED. Nearly every time I have mentioned the subject of p.c. to a female writer I The suggestion that a call-out be communicated privately met with. — By Jonathan [email protected] House Speaker Paul Ryan, It's possible but unlikely the two parties will reach a general agreement on . know:” A new study from Amnesty International analyzing tweets directed at female.

Getty Images It is often said that Donald Trump has had the same nationalistic, zero-sum worldview forever. Yes, his racism and mendacity have been evident since his youth, but those who have traced the evolution of his hypernationalism all settle on one year in particular: There are only a couple of examples of him commenting on world politics before then.

Trump to Female Reporter: ‘I Know You’re Not Thinking. You Never Do.’

One possible explanation is that Trump published The Art of the Deal, which sped up his transformation from an aggressive, publicity-seeking New York developer to a national symbol of capitalism. But the timing for this account does not line up perfectly — the book came out on November 1, and Trump had begun opining loudly on trade and international politics two months earlier. The other important event from that year is that Trump visited Moscow.

During the Soviet era, Russian intelligence cast a wide net to gain leverage over influential figures abroad.

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The practice continues to this day. The Russians would lure or entrap not only prominent politicians and cultural leaders, but also people whom they saw as having the potential for gaining prominence in the future.

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InSoviet ambassador Yuri Dubinin met Trump in New York, flattered him with praise for his building exploits, and invited him to discuss a building in Moscow.

Trump visited Moscow in July He stayed at the National Hotel, in the Lenin Suite, which certainly would have been bugged.

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How do you even think about the small but real chance that the president of the United States has been influenced or compromised by a hostile foreign power for decades? Trump returned from Moscow fired up with political ambition.

He began the first of a long series of presidential flirtations, which included a flashy trip to New Hampshire. The primary answer, of course, was the Soviet Union. A central goal of Soviet, and later Russian, foreign policy was to split the U. Indeed, it seems slightly insane to contemplate the possibility that a secret relationship between Trump and Russia dates back this far. How do you even think about the small but real chance — 10 percent? It exerts different gradations of leverage over different kinds of people, and uses a basic tool kit of blackmail that involves the exploitation of greed, stupidity, ego, and sexual appetite.

But while outrage at the violent act briefly united our generally quarrelsome political culture, the quarreling quickly resumed over deeper fissures. Were the slain satirists martyrs at the hands of religious fanaticism, or bullying spokesmen of privilege?

Can the offensiveness of an idea be determined objectively, or only by recourse to the identity of the person taking offense? Many media companies, including the New York Times, have declined to publish the cartoons the terrorists deemed offensive, a stance that has attracted strident criticism from some readers.

These sudden, dramatic expressions of anguish against insensitivity and oversensitivity come at a moment when large segments of American culture have convulsed into censoriousness. Now it has returned. Some of its expressions have a familiar tint, like the protesting of even mildly controversial speakers on college campuses. You may remember when 6, people at the University of California—Berkeley signed a petition last year to stop a commencement address by Bill Maher, who has criticized Islam along with nearly all the other major world religions.

These newly fashionable terms merely repackage a central tenet of the first p. These sorts of episodes now hardly even qualify as exceptional. Political correctness is a style of politics in which the more radical members of the left attempt to regulate political discourse by defining opposing views as bigoted and illegitimate.

Two decades ago, the only communities where the left could exert such hegemonic control lay within academia, which gave it an influence on intellectual life far out of proportion to its numeric size.

And since social media is also now the milieu that hosts most political debate, the new p. It also makes money. Every media company knows that stories about race and gender bias draw huge audiences, making identity politics a reliable profit center in a media industry beset by insecurity. BuzzFeed published part of her project, and it has since received more than 2 million views.

This is not an anomaly.

Trump Tells Female Reporter She’s Never Thinking

In a short period of time, the p. Two and a half years ago, Hanna Rosin, a liberal journalist and longtime friend, wrote a book called The End of Men, which argued that a confluence of social and economic changes left women in a better position going forward than men, who were struggling to adapt to a new postindustrial order. Rosin, a self-identified feminist, has found herself unexpectedly assailed by feminist critics, who found her message of long-term female empowerment complacent and insufficiently concerned with the continuing reality of sexism.

Every new continuing demonstration of gender discrimination — a survey showing Americans still prefer male bosses; a person noticing a man on the subway occupying a seat and a half — would be tweeted out along with a mocking RIPpatriarchy. Her response since then has been to avoid committing a provocation, especially on Twitter. Political correctness is a term whose meaning has been gradually diluted since it became a flashpoint 25 years ago.

People use the phrase to describe politeness perhaps to excessor evasion of hard truths, or as a term of abuse by conservatives liberalism in general. The confusion has made it more attractive to liberals, who share the goal of combating race and gender bias. But political correctness is not a rigorous commitment to social equality so much as a system of left-wing ideological repression.

Not only is it not a form of liberalism; it is antithetical to liberalism. Indeed, its most frequent victims turn out to be liberals themselves. I am white and male, a fact that is certainly worth bearing in mind. I was also a student at the University of Michigan during the Jacobsen incident, and was attacked for writing an article for the campus paper defending the exhibit. But this pointlessness is exactly the point: Political correctness makes debate irrelevant and frequently impossible.

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This has led to elaborate norms and terminology within certain communities on the left. Trump has homed in on a bona fide weakness in the Republican Party structure, one that has fascinated liberal critics in particular. The Republican Party has harnessed one set of passions, and then channeled them into unrelated policy outcomes favored by the party elite.

But the classic formula seems to be yielding diminishing returns.

Donald Trump Is Going to Lose Because He Is Crazy

Sincethe Republican Party has been attempting to work out a social profile that is better suited to an electorate in which blue-collar whites account for a declining share of the vote. They have no consensus over just how to handle it. The three major contenders differ in their approaches. Jeb Bush is trying to maintain his mainstream credibility throughout the primary, keeping the door open for endorsing comprehensive immigration reform.

Scott Walker is running as a traditional, down-the-line conservative. Trump offers no plausible solution to this conundrum. Everything about his persona seems designed to worsen it.

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His populist style appeals to some blue-collar whites, but is poison among the college-educated voters who have defected from the Republican coalition since the s. His grotesque misogyny would deepen the hostility of women. And Trump has made himself the symbol of anti-Latino racism. His standing among Hispanic voters is off-the-charts bad: He has embraced the most nativist elements of the restrictionist movement.

But unlike the prospect of nominating a Scott Walker — or a more extreme version, like Ted Cruz — the risk does not carry any proportionate reward. Bush, Walker, and Rubio all agree on the same basic domestic goals.