Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw? - cypenv.info
For the last two years, Nancy Pelosi has been the driving force WASHINGTON — When the th Congress convenes Tuesday, Representative Nancy Pelosi will The two built a very close relationship as they mapped the. Obama has suffered a famously hostile relationship with Congress ever Boehner, Pelosi, McConnell, and Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid. Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw? Tension "However, once the president deferred to Speaker Pelosi on the stimulus.
Yet big issues, in addition to immigration, remain unresolved: With three years to go in this presidency, can the relationship between Obama and Congress be saved in hopes of getting some business done?
Or perhaps more realistically, can the relationship at least be improved? Decoder can stump you! Pinpointing the genesis of today's White House-Congress feud is like trying to unravel the rivalry between the Hatfields and McCoys.
The most obvious cause iswhen the tea party movement poured enough Republicans into the House to flush Democrats from power and Rep. Nancy Pelosi D of California from the speaker's chair.
Olympia Snowe R of Maine points to the very start of the Obama administration, when the president and Democrats in Congress passed expensive and expansive legislation along party lines.
That fueled "big government" concerns among Republicans and ignited the burner under the teakettle. Wall Street reform went through later that year. In her book "Fighting for Common Ground," Snowe recounts the president's many attempts to reach out to her during the health-care debate — at least eight meetings with him and more than a dozen phone calls.
He made one last attempt shortly before Christmas inwhen they met at the White House during a snowstorm, Snowe recalls. With a fire roaring in the fireplace, Obama urged her to support the final vote on the legislation.
She regretfully declined, explaining that despite all their exchanges and her meetings with Senate Democrats, there had been no headway on any of the issues she had discussed — such as her objection to the way penalties would be assessed for failure to adhere to the so-called individual mandate.
It was "all windup and no pitch," she writes. It launched today's era of polarization, playing out in President Clinton 's impeachment and under President George W.
The polarization continues to drive moderates such as Snowe from Congress, and it feeds itself as each side responds to what it sees as the latest indignity lobbed from the other side, says James Thurbera congressional expert at American University in Washington. Such dynamics exist in the immigration debate.
Thurber characterizes GOP comments about an untrustworthy and lawless Obama as "quite offensive" messaging, given the lengthy history of presidents using their executive power.
Specifically, Republicans criticize the president for independently deciding, rather than working with Congress, to defer deportations for children of illegal immigrants.
Obama builds relationship with Congress - politics - White House | NBC News
They say he has inflated the number of removals at the border by changing the counting method, and they criticize a steep drop in deportations from the interior of the country. GOP lawmakers also point to a host of other executive actions that they say are excessive: Lack of trust "is an overriding issue that covers far more than immigration," says Rep.
Lamar Smith R of Texas. Obama may not have signed as many executive orders as previous presidents, he says, but their scope is breathtaking.
How Pelosi broke with Obama - POLITICO
On immigration, the White House has responded that the "trust" accusation doesn't stand up to scrutiny. It's merely cover for the speaker's inability to control his divided caucus on this issue, Democrats say.
More broadly, Obama has said he's being forced to act on his own because he can't get cooperation from Congress. So wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families, that's what I'm going to do. Obama's legislative scorecard with Congress — what's called the "presidential success rate" — is not as bad as one might think. Most presidents going back to Dwight Eisenhower have, at some point during their time in the Oval Office, batted in that range or even lower.
Even in Obama's worst legislative year so far —when his presidential success rate was 54 percent — he outperformed Richard Nixon's lowest score from Obama also scored higher than Mr. Clinton's nadir in Bush, in It's important to remember that the slope from Capitol Hill to the White House is not supposed to be some downhill ski course where the president zooms toward victory after dropping off his latest idea at the starting gate of Congress.
The Founding Fathers built lots of moguls to slow things down and even stop them. Those include two equal branches of Congress — not always held by the same party or the president's party; varying election schedules — two years for the House, six years for the Senate, four years for the president; different constituencies — from districts, to states, to a nation; and other checks and balances, such as the presidential veto. What's notable about the Obama-Congress relationship is how steeply it declined.
Inthe newly elected president of hope and change had the highest presidential success rate with Congress in the history of the modern presidency — Clinton, however, fell even further after the Republican sweep in the midterms — and he made a remarkable recovery by finding common ground with Speaker Gingrich.
Is there something that Obama can learn from the "comeback kid"? Panetta, who also served as Clinton's chief of staff, thinks so.
He recalls a conversation when Gingrich first became speaker. So it must be a bit of a jolt these days for Obama to frequently find himself so out of step with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, whose tacit support of Obama's campaign was felt long before her endorsement was made official. Obama and Pelosi each, of course, have distinct motives, and personalities: Pelosi is a partisan warrior who must tend to her caucus, while Obama got elected as a postpartisan healer, implicitly attacking the old ways of Washington and striving to appeal to a broader national base.
Obama vs. Pelosi: Can the President Work with the Democrats?
See who's who in Obama's White House. But their differences could have serious consequences. Democrats are enjoying expanded majorities in both congressional chambers as well as control of the White House, but their potential to see much of their agenda passed rests on their ability to get along.
Back then, House Republicans didn't openly revolt against President Bush until the sixth year of his Administration, bitterly but quietly swallowing early bipartisan programs like the Medicare Prescription Drug Plan and No Child Left Behind. By contrast, even before Obama took office, he and Pelosi diverged on bailing out the failing auto companies.Obama: Republicans Blocking Progress in Congress
Pelosi was forced to swallow a compromise, though that deal died in the Senate and ultimately President Bush used money from the bank bailout to help Detroit.
See pictures of the remains of Detroit. Pelosi has also been vocal in calling on the President to repeal Bush's tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans this year, a move Obama has been unwilling to commit to in the current economic climate; some in the Administration have suggested that it's preferable to just let the cuts lapse when they expire next year. And the House Speaker has refused to rule out investigating former Bush Administration officials, even after Obama said he would prefer to keep the party's focus forward-looking.