Neocolonialism - Wikipedia
More broadly, neocolonial governance is seen as operating through indirect forms of control and, in particular, by means of the economic, financial, and trade . duction to Neo-Colonialism. I argued that, begin- ning in the late s, a neo- colonial situation was developing in the relationship between whites and blacks in. To explain how and why indigeneity is a politics of potential that transcends neocolonial victimhood, O'Sullivan shows that indigeneity's relationships with.
A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions. That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination. Dependency theory Dependency theory is the theoretical description of economic neocolonialism. It proposes that the global economic system comprises wealthy countries at the center, and poor countries at the periphery. Economic neocolonialism extracts the human and natural resources of a poor country to flow to the economies of the wealthy countries.
It claims that the poverty of the peripheral countries is the result of how they are integrated in the global economic system. Dependency theory derives from the Marxist analysis of economic inequalities within the world's system of economies, thus, under-development of the periphery is a direct result of development in the center.
It includes the concept of the late 19th century semi-colony. The latter proposes that poverty is a development stage in the poor country's progress towards full integration in the global economic system.
Cold War During the mid-to-late 20th century, in the course of the ideological conflict between the U. In the s, under the leadership of Chairman Mehdi Ben Barkathe Cuban Tricontinental Conference Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America recognised and supported the validity of revolutionary anti-colonialism as a means for colonised peoples of the Third World to achieve self-determination, which policy angered the U. Moreover, Chairman Barka headed the Commission on Neocolonialism, which dealt with the work to resolve the neocolonial involvement of colonial powers in decolonised counties; and said that the U.
Multinational corporation Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries and causes humanitarianenvironmental and ecological damage to their populations.
They argue that this results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment. These countries remain reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, monopolization of natural resources, while initially leading to an influx of investment, is often followed by increases in unemployment, poverty and a decline in per-capita income.
Beginning inthe European Union began negotiating contracts with governments for fisheries off the coast of West Africa. Commercial, unsustainable, over-fishing by foreign fleets played a significant role in large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.
Criticism of the International Monetary Fund To alleviate the effects of neocolonialism, American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that the entire African debt ca. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't cancel the debts, I would suggest obstruction; you do it, yourselves.
Sino-African relations Historically, China and Somalia had strong trade ties. Giraffes, zebras and incense were exported to the Ming Empire of China, which established Somali merchants as leaders in the commerce between Asia and Africa. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. October To ensure a reliable, long-term supply of food, the South Korean government and powerful Korean multinationals bought farming rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in under-developed countries.
To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot emphasize too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our future survival. Roughly half of the country's arable land, as well as rainforests were to be converted into palm and corn monoculturesproducing food for export from a country where a third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 are malnourishedusing South African workers instead of locals.
Local residents were not consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests that resulted in over a hundred deaths. The new president, Andry Rajoelinacancelled the deal. Scheduled to be completed init was to be the largest single piece of overseas South Korean agricultural infrastructure ever built.
The project was expected to produce 10, tonnes of feed in the first year. The national South Korean government announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. As of discussions with LaosMyanmar and Senegal were underway. However, he distinguishes between a threefold categorization of violence.
This includes; physical, structural and psychological violence. Physical violence implies the somatic injury inflicted on human beings, the most radical manifestation of which is the killing of an individual. Structural violence reflects the fact of exploitation and its necessary institutional form of the colonial situation. Psychological violence is the injury or harm done to the human psyche Fanon As a way out of all of these, Fanon advocates a reprisal use of violence against the settlers to enable the colonized regain their self-respect.
To him, since the colonial situation is itself a violent one, the colonial masses can only achieve liberation through replicated form of violence. True liberation, according to Fanon, must be accompanied by violence.
His submission is that for liberation to be total, accurate and objectively achieved, it has to be accompanied by violence Fanon In Fanon, decolonization requires violence on the part of the colonized.
Violence plays a critical role in the decolonization struggle. The colonized must see violence in decolonization as that which leads not to retrogression, but liberation. It is a psycho-social process, a historical process that changes the order of the world.
Decolonization involves a struggle for the mental elevation of the colonized African people Fanon So, from all of this, Fanon contends that Africa is in need of true liberation which can only result from decolonization. In his submission, resisting a colonial power using only politics cannot be effective; violence is the best way to attain decolonization.
He advocates the need for Africans to go through a process of mental decolonization. Wiredu recommends the process of decolonization from two conceptual analyses: Wiredu sees decolonization as a necessary tool for developing an authentic African philosophy that is devoid of any neo-positivist influences.
Such writings, which would enhance the renaissance of African cultures, must also carry with it the spirit and content of anti-imperialist struggles. The Last Stage of Imperialism After the independence of most African nations, Africans soon began to notice that their countries were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by their former colonialists and some other developed nations.
It is pertinent to mention that even though neocolonialism is a subtle propagation of social-economic and sometimes political activities of former colonial overlords in their ex-colonies, documented evidence has shown that a country that was never colonized can also become a neo-colonialist state. Countries such as Liberia and Ethiopia that never experienced colonialism in the classical sense have become neocolonial states by dint of their reliance on international finance capital, courtesy of its fragile economic structure Attah, It is based on this that neocolonialism can be said to be a new form of colonial exploitation and control of the new independent states of Africa, and other African states with fragile economies.
Nkrumah views neocolonialism as a new form of subjugation of the economic, social, cultural, and political life of the African. His postulation is that European imperialism of Africa has passed through several stages, from slavery to colonization and subsequently to neocolonialism being the last stage of the imperialist subjugation and exploitation process.
The Last Stage of Imperialism, is an analysis of neocolonialism in relation to imperialism. The book emphasizes the need to recognize that colonialism had yet to be abolished in Africa. Rather, it had evolved into what he calls neocolonialism. Nkrumah reveals the methods that the West used in its shift in tactics from colonialism to neocolonialism. This explains the condition under which a nation is continually enslaved by the fetters of neocolonialism while being independent in theory, and yet being trapped outwardly by international sovereignty, so that it is actually directed politically and economically from the outside.
Nkrumah contends that neocolonialism is usually exercised through economic or monetary means. As part of the methods of control in a neocolonial state, the imperialist power and control over the state is gained through contributions to the cost of running the state, promotion of civil servants into positions that allow them to dictate and wield power, and through monetary control of foreign exchange by the imposition of a banking system that favors the imperial system.
Nkrumah further explains that neocolonialism results in the exploitation of different sectors of the nation, using different forms and methods: On the link between Neocolonialism and Imperialism, Nkrumah writes that neocolonialism is the worst and most heightened form of imperialism.
For those who practice it, it ensures power without responsibility and unchecked exploitation for those who suffer it. He explains that neocolonialist exploitation is implemented in the political, religious, ideological, economic, and cultural spheres of society. He further provides details of the infiltration and manipulation of organized labour by agencies of the West in African countries. He discusses how the mass media is used as an instrument of neocolonialism in the following statement: Religion too, according to Nkrumah, is distorted and used to support the cause of neocolonialism.
He prescribes unity and awareness amongst all Africans. In his assertion, African countries have never been truly independent after colonialism had left because the idea of partnering with the ex-colonialists has continued to guide state economic policies. Foreign firms have continued to dominate the business sectors of the economy such that relatively few, but large and integrated foreign firms otherwise called multi-national corporations, have made themselves indispensable to the growth or otherwise of the economy.
Thus, the continued dependence of industrial investments in Africa on the capitalist intensive technology is strictly aimed at further developing the metropolitan economies. Attah explicates how Western neocolonialists have collaborated with local bourgeoisie in Africa to perpetuate the exploitation of the people and state economies in Africa.
According to him, most of the local bourgeoisie collaborators are not committed to national interest and development, and their aim is to ensure the continued reproduction of foreign domination of the African economic space. The local bourgeoisie are bereft of ideas capable of engendering growth and development. The objective of foreign capital, therefore, is to continue to co-opt the weak and nascent local bourgeoisie into its operations.
Adducing from the above exposition, Attah also asserts that neocolonialism is a new form of imperial rule characterized by the domination of foreign capital. His claim is that instead of real independence, what Africa has is pseudo-independence with the trappings of the illusion of freedom. To him, neocolonialism in Africa is made possible due to the roles and actions of local bourgeoisie in collusion with foreign capital.
He is concerned that the different African economies have become willing tools in the hands of the West because of their fragility. In many cases, the African states have inadvertently authorized the dependency of African economies on foreign capital, which is a necessary legitimacy for neocolonialism. Neocolonialism, Attah submits, leads to underdevelopment where the local bourgeoisie and the foreign capitals are interested in the economy for personal accumulation rather than national development of the neocolonialist state.
He acknowledges that the colonial regime in Africa left Africa in destitution, not only materially but also in terms of education and technical training.
Molnar also affirms that nobody will deny that the colonialist period sanctioned abuses and exploitation on Africa Molnar However, in spite of the end of colonialism in Africa, Molnar is concerned that African economies have not been properly functional, independent of foreign aids and investments.
Further, Molnar asserts that the call for decolonization in Africa took place in a hurried, haphazard way. Africans were unready and immature for economic and political independence as of the time it achieved it. As a result of this situation, the West is under obligation in post-colonial Africa to keep up its aid, not as a tribute paid for past colonial situation but as one half of a two-way process of cooperation Molnar For its development, Africa needs the West.
Since the newly independent African countries will continue to be economically dependent on the West, neocolonialism is not a negative term. According to Obadina, these apologists contend that despite the exploitation of resources perpetrated by the colonialists, their overall influence on the African society in terms of reducing the economic gap between Africa and the West is positive. The argument here is that colonialism improved the living condition of Africans, providing necessary tools for civilization such as formal education, modern medicine, and enlightenment, including shaping the political organization.
However, Obadina notes that in spite of these apologetic claims, Africa is still today considered a continent in economic and political crisis. These apologists even go to the extent of saying that Africa is in such a state because they gained independence a lot sooner than was necessary for them. K Fieldhouse as one of the apologists, Obadina mentions that Fieldhouse is of the view that it would be difficult to imagine what would have become of African countries had the colonial rule not come.
Fieldhouse had contended that pre-colonial Africa by itself lacked the capacity, social and economic organization to transform itself into modern states that would result in the establishment of advance economies.
According to Fieldhouse, African states today would be a direct replica of what they were in the primitive days if they had not encountered the European culture and civilization. Obadina asserts that colonialism bore nothing but negative effects on Africa. Furthermore, colonialism undermined pre-colonial political systems which used to be effective for Africans and imposed foreign political concepts which include multi-party democracy.
This, according to Rodney and many other critics, has left Africa in serious social and political crises. Obadina takes Nigeria as an example, which, because of its great population and natural resources, had qualities that seem to be leading eventually to her destruction.
The party politics, according to Obadina, introduced by the colonialists was the major cause of ethnic conflicts in Africa. Obadina acknowledges the difficulty in providing an objective analysis of the impact of colonialism in Africa. Despite this, he avers that colonialism in Africa may have some positives. However, what cannot be denied is the fact that it was something imposed, which had no regard for the existing structures already in place. Furthermore, colonial rule was not an idea geared towards the development of the colonized states in any way, but something established solely for the benefit of the colonial states.
Furthermore, Obadina forthrightly asserts that African nations are to be blamed for the continued reliance on their former colonial lords for economic and political direction. This neocolonial situation poses serious danger to the evolution of indigenous-based economic growth, and at the same time, has adverse effects on political stability.
It has, according to him, hampered the growth of movements geared towards change. He believes that African nations, after independence, should have shut the door against imports and exports from the West and sought to develop themselves using their own resources, not dependent on foreign corporations. With this idea as the fundamental gospel, Africans were made to believe that their living conditions could be positively altered. It created in Africans the desire for Western civilization; but the West failed to hand over to Africans the tools for realizing such civilization.
Africa in the early 21st century is a neocolonial continent, according to Obadina. Africa continues to face the problem of dealing with the overbearing presence of Western civilization. In the quest for modernization, the focus is mostly on the Western world and there is little or no focus on the urgent need for internal changes in this same quest. Despite colonial rule in Africa ending only late near the end of the twentieth century, Obadina submits that African nations at the beginning of the 21st century have the responsibility to develop themselves by making changes in their internal structures using indigenous knowledge, while at the same time learning all they can from the influence of the Western world and putting these to use for their own benefit.
The outcomes of such interrogations continue to form content that need to be taught and studied within the project of African philosophy. Neocolonialism Today in Africa: The Era of Globalization The heavy dependence on foreign aid and the apparent activities of the multinational corporations in Africa reveal that Africa at the beginning of the 21st century is still in a neocolonial stage of development. The activities of the corporations in Africa, particularly those from Europe and America reveal nothing short of economic exploitation and cultural domination.
Early 21st century Africa is witnessing neocolonialism from different fronts, from the influences of trans-national corporations from Europe and America to the form of a new imperial China, which many African governments now seem obligated to. The establishment of the multinational corporations, and more recently Chinese interests in Africa through Chinese companies, appear mainly to exist for the benefits of the home economies of the neocolonialists than to infuse local African economies with cash to stimulate growth and increase local capacity.
In the Africa of the early 21st century, some scholars, such as Ali Mazrui, have opined that the new form of neocolonialism is globalization.
Looking at globalization in this way, Oseni Afisi, also condemns it to the corridor of neocolonialism and cultural subjugation. Globalization becomes the imposition of a particular culture and value system upon other nations with the direct intent of exploitation. What this indicates is that globalization is indeed the engine room for the propagation of neocolonialism and new imperialism on the African soil.
While colonialism has ended, the reality on the ground in Africa in the immediate years after it is that political independence in many African states has not culminated in the much desired economic and cultural freedom Afisi5. Upon this heritage hinges the political, economic, social, educational subjugation of the continent of Africa. The forcible integration of Africa into globalization through slavery and colonialism has led to the problem of personal identity and cultural dilemma for the African.
Africa has had to be dependent upon Europe and America, and, more recently, upon China for its development and, one might add, the development of her identity and culture. Taiwo uncompromisingly defends globalization and suggests that its benefits must be harnessed by Africans. Taiwo berates the level of hostility that Africa has shown towards modernity, stating the regrettable impact of such hostility to the economic, social, and political development of the continent Taiwo To Taiwo, Africa must address the challenges of modernity and globalization by embracing them instead of being hostile to them.
As Taiwo further posits, Africa needs to fully engage with and derive benefits from globalization and its attendant capitalist democracy Taiwo In a similar vein, D. Masolo, in African Philosophy in Search of Identity, remarks that the needs and experiences of Africans today are conditioned by their peculiar cultural circumstances.
These African understand the world around them by being open minded and ridding themselves of any traction that may mold their thinking. This is the nature of African identity after colonialism, an identity which will aid in the intellectual construction of a modern African philosophy Masolo Conclusion As a theme of African philosophy, the term neocolonialism became widespread in use—particularly in reference to Africa—immediately the process of decolonization began in Africa.
The widespread use of the term neocolonialism began when Africans realized that even after independence their countries were still being subjected to a new form of colonialism.
The challenges that neocolonialism poses to Africa seem to be related to the socio-economic, cultural, and political development of the people and states of the continent.
These challenges have, however, been attributed both positive and negative impacts on the continent. On the whole, this article is an exposition of the theme of neocolonialism within the project of African philosophy. The history of neocolonialism is a historical analysis of the beginning of neocolonialism in Africa. This analysis reveals how the idea of neocolonialism was nurtured before independence was granted to most African states. No doubt, the term neocolonialism has some close relations to some other concepts.
This explains the reasons the term colonialism, imperialism, decolonization, and globalization are essential to better understanding neocolonialism.
Discussions about the negatives and some positives of colonialism and its offshoot neocolonialism in Africa are exposed in this article. However, some of the social and political philosophical questions which may continue to preoccupy the minds of Africans include: Can neocolonialism be abolished from Africa?
Can the positives of neocolonialism outweigh the negatives, or vice versa, in terms of the impacts on the African economy? Will Africa ever be truly decolonized? References and Further Reading Abraham, William. The Mind of Africa. University of Chicago Press, A discourse on neocolonialism and integrative form of culture in Africa. A historico-philosophical analysis of colonialism as the root of tribal conflicts in Africa. A comparative analysis of the nature of man in the philosophical ideologies of Marxism and African philosophy.
Neocolonialism | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
A discourse on the nature of globalization: Journal of African Studies and Development. A historical analysis of the effect of colonialism in Africa. A critical discussion on the idea and content of African Philosophy. How Natives Think, Princeton. Princeton University Press, A discussion on the distinction between the mindset of the primitive and the mindset of the civilized human beings. Chukwudi Eze ed African Philosophy: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, A discourse on the contradictory nature of European Enlightenment period and its promotion of slavery and colonialism at the same time.
Black Skin, White Masks. An analysis of the psychology of the colonial situation. The Wretched of the Earth. A critical analysis of colonialism, cultural and political decolonization. An analysis of the French African economic policy. Lectures on the Philosophy of World History. Cambridge University Press, Current Anthropology 13 1: A general discussion on definition and classification of colonialism. Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View.
Introduction by Manfred Kuehn. Cambridge University Press The Highest Stage of Capitalism. A presentation of globalization as a tool of European economic and cultural domination of the rest of the world.
The Journal of Modern African Studies 23 2: The Process of Capitalist Production. A critical analysis of the economic law of capitalist mode of production. Economy, Class and Social Revolution. African Philosophy in Search of Identity.